"Bury the Archduke With an empire's lamentation
"Let us bury the Archduke
"To the noise of the mourning of a mighty nation
"Mourning when their leaders fall
"Warriors carry the warrior's pall
"And sorrow darkens hamlet and hall."
The assassin's work was done.
The mortal remains of the Archduke Franz Ferdinand
were returning home for burial.
FAIRGROUND ORGAN MUSIC
A world on holiday took only passing note
of another Hapsburg tragedy.
In that brilliant summer of 1914,
it was for most men only passing notice.
An Englishman living in Capri glanced at an Italian newspaper.
"There in the stop press news was a telegram
that the Archduke Franz Ferdinand had been shot
"as he visited a town named Sarajevo, of which neither of us had heard.
"After lunch we consulted the Times Atlas
and found that Sarajevo was the capital of Bosnia
"which seemed almost equally remote and insignificant."
A few days later, the same man travelling through Paris back to England
bought a French paper at the Gare du Nord.
"An article was headed Sarajevo.
"And for a moment, so faint had been the original impression,
I wondered where I'd seen that name before."
"Sarajevo - Sunday. After the crime, reprisals.
"Violent anti-Serb demonstrations have taken place.
"Over 200 Serb houses were sacked and their occupants maltreated.
"Martial law has been proclaimed."
Even in the countries most affected - Austria-Hungary and Serbia -
it would require a little time to understand what Sarajevo might come to mean.
In Austria, as the Archduke's body was brought back to Vienna,
opinion against Serbia hardened.
The German ambassador reported to the Kaiser:
"Count Berchtold, the Austro-Hungarian foreign minister,
"said everything pointed to the fact that the thread of the conspiracy
"to which the Archduke fell as sacrifice, ran together at Belgrade.
"I frequently hear expressed in Vienna, the wish that at last
"a final and fundamental reckoning should be had with the Serbs."
The Kaiser noted in the margin of his copy of the report:
"Now or never."
Four days later, July 6th, he sent a message to the Austrian Emperor.
"The Emperor Franz Joseph may rest assured
that his majesty will faithfully stand by Austria-Hungary,
"as is required by the obligations of his alliance and of his ancient friendship."
And with that, on that same day
the Kaiser set off in the imperial yacht
for a summer cruise in Scandinavian waters.
WHISTLE BLOWS
This was the holiday season everywhere and the sea was calling.
Emperors and princes, soldiers and statesmen,
rich men and poor men - it was holiday time for all.
But while they relaxed with summer pastimes,
the logic of power was moving towards terrible conclusions.
The German Ambassador was conveying to Berlin
a message from the Austrian Emperor and his foreign minister.
"Count Berchtold requested me to express to his Majesty
"the most sincere gratitude for the position which he has assumed,
"so clearly in accord with the compact of alliance and the dictates of friendship."
"The compact of alliance and the dictates of friendship."
These were the fatal words, the concepts
which would bring Europe's holiday of peace to a sudden end.
Under the innocent laughter, beneath the internal tensions,
behind the diplomatic courtesies,
a network of compacts and alliances linked the powers together in misfortune.
In the centre of it all was the Triple Alliance
of Germany, Austria-Hungary and Italy.
By a secret treaty in 1879, Austria and Germany
had been allied against Russia.
Impressed by Germany's growing strength and overcoming her distrust of Austria,
Italy joined the compact in 1882.
So the centre of Europe with two young nations
and one ambitious old one became a fortress
waiting to make a sortie.
The implications did not go unnoticed on either side of the fortress.
The Russian Empire was more than a power. It was the focus of an idea.
Slovaks and Slovenes under Austrian rule, Czechs and Serbs,
all looked to Russia as the protector of Slavs everywhere.
And Russia, conscious of the menace of the central powers, had found an ally.
In 1891, the apparently impossible happened.
The Imperial Russian Government signed an agreement with the Third Republic of France.
So the Triple Alliance was now faced with a Dual Alliance.
And the Dual Alliance was linked to the Balkans -
- an unsettled area which could burst into flame.
None of these arrangements brought security.
On the contrary - tension and anxiety grew.
Both groups looked for new friends.
The central powers towards Turkey and her empire stretching down to the Persian Gulf.
France, building her own empire, looked uneasily
across the Channel at the heart of an empire in being.
Slowly and unwillingly,
British policy bowed to the pressure of events.
As the imperial German navy based on its North Sea harbours grew year by year,
Britain's sense of safety diminished.
Lord Haldane, an admirer of much in Germany, summed it up.
"We who live on islands and are dependant for food and raw materials
"and protecting their transport,
"could not permit that protection to be threatened
"by the creation of naval forces intended to make it precarious."
Colonial disputes with France became unimportant.
The entente cordiale was forged.
In 1906, military discussions began between the two countries.
These completed a process described by Winston Churchill.
"All that subterranean subconscious movement
"whereby the vast antagonisms of the Great War
"were slowly, remorselessly, inexorably assembled."
Behind the summer pleasure, as an American writer says,
the nations of Europe were like a file of marching prisoners,
chained together by their ankles.
Prisoners of national pride,
shackled together by treaty obligations.
Britain's entente with France was followed
by an understanding with France's ally, Russia.
And on July 20th, 1914, the French President, Monsieur Poincare,
arrived on a state visit to Russia,
designed to strengthen the alliance.
The purpose was to emphasise the military ties
between Russia and France, which were quite precise.
In 1912, the Russian general staff had agreed
that the Russians would march on the fifteenth day of mobilisation -
in advance of the millions who might follow.
The Russian steamroller.
36 divisions of cavalry, 114 divisions of infantry.
Over 2.5 million men with limitless reserves behind them,
if they could be armed, if they could be equipped, if they could even be mobilised.
Mostly peasants, most of the Russian soldiers were illiterate.
Many officers were little better. Few of the generals had studied war.
Corruption and inefficiency went hand in hand among their officials.
And at the court, there was strong pro- German feeling, centred round the Tsarina.
"She is a cousin of the German Kaiser,
is deeply religious and hates the world of the court.
"She is convinced all Russia needs is the Tsar, the church and people.
"'Be an autocrat', she'd say to her husband.
"The Tsar - the little father - is devoted to his wife and children.
"He is industrious, conscientious, generous, even-tempered, fatalistic,
"utterly without a will of his own or any understanding
of the realities of international affairs."
Yet the French visit served its purpose, reassuring both powers.
Poincare's departure from Russia was being closely watched.
By delaying, the Austrians ensured the French party would be at sea
before the news broke of Austria's ultimatum to Serbia.
25 days had passed since the Archduke was murdered.
Nine days since work had begun on this document.
It was diligently composed without compromise,
without loopholes - an ultimatum with a purpose.
The final and fundamental reckoning with the Serbs.
It was delivered at 6pm on July 23rd.
"The Austro-Hungarian Government expects the reply of the Royal Serbian Government
"at the latest within 48 hours."
The ultimatum twitched the chain which bound the nations together.
The inevitable reactions followed immediately.
The Serbian regent, Alexander, sent a telegram to the Tsar the next day.
"At this critical moment, I echo the feelings of the Serbian people,
"in praying your Majesty to be pleased to interest yourself
in the fate of the Kingdom of Serbia."
And so the fuse was lit. The Kaiser was still yachting in Norway.
"I telegraphed to the Chancellor and the Foreign Office,
"that I considered it advisable to return home,
but was asked not to interrupt my journey.
"When I learned from the Norwegian newspapers, not Berlin,
"of the Austrian ultimatum to Serbia,
I started on my return journey without further ado."
The 48 hours of the ultimatum trickled away.
The Serbs gave way on almost everything
and for the rest appealed to Austrian loyalty and chivalry.
But the Austrian Ambassador in Belgrade left.
On July 28th, Austria-Hungary declared war on Serbia.
The Tsar promised the Serbs his support.
Russia proclaimed mobilisation along the Austrian frontier on 29th.
The German Imperial Chancellor, Bethmann-Hollweg,
instructed the ambassador in St Petersburg:
"Kindly call attention to the fact
that further confirmation of Russia's mobilisation measures
"would force us to mobilise
"and in that case a European war could scarcely be prevented."
While the people of Europe amused themselves,
the unseen flame ran swiftly along the fuse.
The moment of mobilisation in each country was the moment when the war plan took effect.
Nowhere was this clearer than in Germany,
for Germany had become the prisoner of her plan.
The Schlieffen Plan had existed since 1905.
General Field Marshall Count Alfred von Schlieffen, Chief of Staff for 18 years,
had devoted his mind to one problem,
the danger to Germany created by the Franco-Russian agreement.
War on two fronts - east and west.
He assumed that the Russian giant would move slowly.
The French might move fast.
His answer to the problem was simple.
Smash the French before the Russians entered the field.
So one army - only 250,000 men - would join the Austrians to contain the Russian threat.
Seven armies - over 1.5 million men - would fall on France.
By sheer weight and speed,
they would beat her to her knees in 40 days and then turn eastward.
The difficulty was how to get at France.
A strong line of well-planned fortresses lay along the frontier.
Von Schlieffen's answer was to outflank the French.
He would march through Belgium - trample on neutrality.
And he'd send the bulk of his army through Belgium.
A mere handful would face the French along the frontier
and the rest would go for a vast encirclement of the French army -
through Brussels, south-westward across the Seine,
round Paris itself, then east towards Germany
to attack the French forces from behind.
Now von Schlieffen was dead but his vast plan was poised to move.
July 29th was the decisive day of crisis.
Many things now became apparent.
The meaning of mobilisation, the powerlessness of individuals,
the significance of Belgium.
This, above all, was a question for Britain,
bound by treaty to uphold Belgian neutrality.
But Britain had another preoccupation - Ireland.
Irishmen were drilling, waiting, importing arms.
The Liberal Government backed by over 80 Irish MPs
was determined to give Home Rule to Ireland.
Conservative opposition supported the resistance of the North.
Ulster protestants violently opposed a measure
which would subject them to the Catholic south.
In March, the possibility of having to use troops to coerce Ulster,
split the Army, like the nation, down the middle.
Civil war seemed imminent.
The crisis continued into July.
"The disagreements turned upon the boundaries of Fermanagh and Tyrone.
"Upon the disposition of these clusters of humble parishes,
"turned at that moment the political future of Britain."
On July 24th, the Cabinet was still toiling
around the muddy byways of Fermanagh and Tyrone.
But, says Churchill, an all sufficient shock was at hand.
"The discussion had reached its inconclusive end.
"When the grave tones of Sir Edward Grey's voice were heard
reading a document from the Foreign Office.
"It was the Austrian note to Serbia.
"As the reading proceeded,
"the parishes of Fermanagh and Tyrone
"faded back into the mists and squalls of Ireland.
"And a strange light began immediately to fall and grow upon the map of Europe."
By the fatal 29th July,
even ordinary people knew what was brewing.
Sir Edward Grey, the British Foreign Secretary,
interviewed the German Ambassador in London.
"I said the situation was grave.
"While it was restricted to the issues at present actually involved,
we had no thought of interfering.
"But if Germany became involved, and France, I did not wish him
"to be misled by our friendly tone into thinking we should stand aside."
The question of British action was acute.
Germany respected British power.
The Royal Navy's grip on the world's trade,
the financial resources of the City of London,
the potential of British industry, the raw materials of the Empire,
the possession of riches and might for which Germany still strove.
On July 29th, Bethmann-Hollweg told the British Ambassador in Berlin:
"The Imperial Government will give assurances to the British Government,
"provided Britain remains neutral,
"that Germany aims no territorial acquisitions
"at the expense of metropolitan France. As regards Belgium,
"provided she does not take sides against Germany,
her integrity will be respected at the end of the war."
For those who cared to read, the writing was on the wall.
It was noted in the Foreign Office that:
"Germany admits the intention to violate Belgian neutrality."
Foresight and happy chance came together.
At Spithead, on July 18th, the British fleet had assembled for a Royal review.
The Royal Navy ruled the seas.
232 vessels assembled at Spithead.
40 miles of warships.
59 battleships.
55 cruisers.
78 destroyers.
70,000 men.
It was an impressive display.
The world was suitably impressed.
On July 29th, the fleet was due to disperse.
The First Lord of the Admiralty, Winston Churchill, decided otherwise.
"Admiralty to Commander-in-Chief home fleets, July 28th. Sent 5pm.
"Tomorrow, Wednesday, the first fleet will leave port for Scarpa Flow.
"Destination is to be kept secret."
So, in secrecy, the last act of July 29th took place.
The Royal Navy on its way to its war station.
"We may now picture this great fleet,
"scores of gigantic castles of steel,
"wending their way across the shining sea
"like giants bowed in anxious thought.
"18 miles of warships,
"bearing with them into the waters of the north the safeguard of considerable affairs.
"The King's ships were at sea."
With the fleet at Scarpa Flow, the British Government could relax.
The days of France's agony were beginning.
In France also, mobilisation was part of a plan and the government
was as much a prisoner of its plan as were Russia and Germany.
On July 29th, the French Minister of War
authorised the concentration of the covering forces
behind which the army would gather.
France's plan was in motion.
Relying on the Napoleonic principles of speed and violence,
the whole army was prepared to hurl itself across the German frontier.
One vast phalanx would sweep towards the Rhine, catch the Germans off balance
and defeat them before their plans could take effect.
It only awaited the word.
The last hours of July were running out
and Europe's last entertainments with them.
Britons were going on Continental holidays. But the flame on the fuse
had only reached the powder.
On July 31st, Sir Edward Grey sent telegrams to Paris and Berlin:
"I trust that situation is not irretrievable.
But in view of mobilisation in Germany,
it becomes essential to ask
"whether French Government engages to respect neutrality of Belgium
"provided no other power violates it.
"A similar request is addressed to German Government.
It is vital to have an early answer."
The French replied at once - they would respect Belgian neutrality
unless violated by another power.
Germany did not reply directly.
Her mood that day was difficult to analyse.
A British diplomat in Berlin
was watching it closely.
"The people looked serious, but not depressed.
"The song Deutschland Uber Alles was continually heard.
"Otherwise, there was little evidence of jingo sentiment.
"The feeling was hard to describe - like electricity in the air."
"In the neighbourhood of Berlin, stations are surprisingly empty.
"In the suburbs, where one expects large crowds, the streets are empty.
"A serious expression marks the travellers."
The German Government heightened the tension.
1.45pm, Germany declares a state of "danger of war",
the immediate prelude to full mobilisation.
3.30pm, the Germans address Russia and France.
Russia is told to demobilise within 12 hours or full mobilisation in Germany will follow.
The German Ambassador in Paris is told mobilisation means war.
France is asked for guarantees of neutrality.
Events were moving out of the control of monarchs and statesmen.
The spectre of war was no longer imaginary,
but obvious to all,
solid and menacing.
In Paris, sensation followed sensation.
There was the trial of Madame Caillaux, wife of the combative ex-premier.
"In this drama of love and politics
"a beautiful woman has shot dead the editor of Le Figaro
"because he had wronged her husband
"and published his letters.
"A story of an unimaginable intrigue, this trial has magnetised France."
But on July 28th, astoundingly, she was acquitted.
Riots broke out in the streets.
Then Jean Jaures, the socialist leader, was assassinated.
Cavalry going to war stations were kept in Paris for fear of a revolt.
Thousands gathered outside the banks.
The Bank of France would only pay 50 francs a fortnight to depositors.
In Germany, there was a run on gold. The stock exchanges quivered.
The British Chancellor of the Exchequer, Mr Lloyd-George, wrote:
"On the 27th, the volume of selling
"became such that the foreign exchange market in New York gave way.
"From there, this breakdown spread to other foreign exchanges.
It affected Britain especially
"since London was the financial centre of the world.
"In the last week of July,
"there was every prospect of such a crash in London as had never been known."
On July 31st, as war evidently came nearer, Lloyd-George
told his friend Lord Riddell:
"All bankers and commercial people are begging us not to intervene.
"The Governor of the Bank of England said to me with tears in his eyes,
"'Keep us out of it. We shall all be ruined if we are dragged in.'"
On that day, Friday 31st, the Stock Exchange closed.
The bank rate went up to 8%.
The Bank of England asked for permission to issue notes instead of gold.
The oppression of imminent catastrophe lay on all men.
During the days that followed, it was as if
all the fears and agonies of France were poured into one man,
Paul Cambon, the French ambassador in London.
On August 1st, Germany declared war on Russia.
General mobilisation was decreed in Germany and France.
No-one doubted what this meant.
Paul Cambon bluntly asked Sir Edward Grey,
"Is England going to wait until French territory is invaded before intervening?
"If so, her help might be very belated.'
"I said that we could not propose to Parliament at this moment
"to send an expeditionary force to the Continent.
"Such a step had always been regarded here as very dangerous and doubtful,
"unless our interests and obligations were deeply, desperately involved."
In Berlin, the Kaiser had persuaded himself that Britain would remain neutral,
and that France would not fight.
He called for champagne and his chief of staff, von Moltke.
"Now we need only wage war against Russia,
so we simply advance with the whole army in the East."
But it was too late. Schlieffen's plan was in action.
German patrols had already entered neutral Luxembourg.
All eyes now turned on Britain.
Still the Liberal government shrank from accepting the march of events.
In desperation, Cambon turned to the Conservative opposition leaders.
"Doesn't England understand what honour means?"
Now honour and necessity were hand in hand.
The next day, Germany presented her ultimatum to Belgium,
demanding a passage for her troops.
The Belgians had 12 hours to reply.
It took far less time for them to make up their minds.
King Albert spoke for his people.
"Our answer must be no.
"Whatever the consequences, our duty is to defend our national integrity.
"In this, we must not fail."
It had been a rainy day in London,
damping alike for the great peace rally in Trafalgar Square,
and for the hot heads who wanted to cheer for war.
When the news of the German ultimatum to Belgium arrived, uncertainty began to pass.
Telegrams were sent, calling up Army reservists and Territorials.
Opposition leaders urged the Government to take up arms.
"Insensibly during this Sunday,
"without any fresh news, some nameless factor began to work.
"The horrors of war might be less insupportable than those of peace.
"There were dissentients, but the majority did not want to argue.
"Argument never makes headway against conviction,
and conviction takes no part in argument,
"because it knows."
Knowing was everything. Knowing the worst, and knowing what to do.
On August 3rd, Sir Edward Grey addressed the House of Commons.
"I ask the House, from the point of view of British interests,
"to consider what may be at stake.
"If France is beaten to her knees -
"if, in such a crisis, we run away from obligations
"of honour and interest as regards the Belgian Treaty,
"we should, I believe, sacrifice our respect and good name before the world,
"and should not escape the most grave economic consequences."
The House of Commons rose to him. The country united behind him
in Grey's moment of distasteful triumph.
When a Foreign Office official congratulated him
on his speech, he crashed his fists on the table.
"I hate war.
"I hate war."
"God grant we may not have a European war thrust upon us.
"And for such a stupid reason too.
"No, I don't mean stupid.
"But to have to go to war on account of tiresome Serbia beggars belief."
But war was now a fact.
The French ambassador in St Petersburg witnessed
the Imperial proclamation to the Russian people.
"I got to the Winter Palace Square where a crowd had congregated
"with flags, banners and portraits of the Tsar.
"The Emperor appeared on the balcony.
CHEERING
"To those thousands of men on their knees at that moment,
"the Tsar really was the autocrat appointed of God.
"The military, political and religious leader of his people,
"the absolute master of their bodies and souls."
Germany declared war on France on August 3rd.
The Kaiser had already addressed his people.
"This is a dark day and a dark hour.
"The crisis which is forced upon us is the result
of an envy which, for years, has pursued Germany.
"The sword is being forced into my hand.
"This war will demand of us enormous sacrifice,
"but we shall show our foe what it is to provoke Germany."
The French declaration of war followed at once.
"It was a lovely afternoon in Paris, but what was the matter?
"That was the second woman I've seen crying.
"Motors whizzed past, driven by men with strained, set faces.
"No taxi driver would stop - they were all returning to the garages.
"We turned. There, on the walls of the Palais Bourbon,
"still wet and shining in the sun, was the order for the general mobilisation.
"It was to be war after all."
Britain's vigil was almost over.
On August 4th, the Prime Minister wrote,
"We got the news that the Germans had entered Belgium.
"This simplifies matters.
"We sent them an ultimatum, to expire at midnight,
requesting that they would respect Belgian neutrality.
"The whole thing fills me with sadness."
While the hours ran out in London,
crowds gathered at the German embassy and along the Mall.
Expectation was in the air - an electrical excitement.
"The whole crowd, solid up to the railings of the palace, was silent,
"save for a murmur as of bees in a hive.
"Suddenly, away to the right, came the singing of the national anthem.
"From the left, a roar of cheering.
"Like great winds blowing when they listed,
these storms rose and died, and broke out afresh."
BIG BEN CHIMES
The hours struck. The ultimatum ran out.
CROWD SING "LAND OF HOPE AND GLORY"
Standing at a window overlooking St James' Park,
watching lamp-lighters in the summer dusk,
Sir Edward Grey pronounced the obituary of peace.
"The lamps are going out all over Europe.
"We shall not see them lit again in our lifetime."
BIG BEN DROWNS OUT THE SINGING